Sir
Peter Soulsby (Leicester, South) (Lab): I welcome
many aspects of the Bill, but like many other hon. Members
who care about the future of local government and want to
see it restored, and local democracy strengthened, I want
it go further. I welcome the Bill for very much the same reasons
that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State set out when
she introduced it. It is the start of a process, and it contains
much for us to build on. Like other hon. Members, I recognise
that dealing with the structures and functions of local government
can be only a part of the process of revitalising local democracy.
The fundamental questions of how local services are funded
and paid for must wait for the Lyons review. Only by returning
responsibility for most of local government revenue to the
local level can we ensure that accountability to the local
electorate is fully restored.
I want to concentrate on four aspects of the Bill. The right
hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Mr. Beith) touched in
passing on the first—that measures to revive local democracy
can be successful only if high-calibre candidates from a cross-section
of a local community are willing to serve. In many areas,
such people do not put themselves forward for election, and
the sad fact is that the average age of councillors is now
somewhere in the late 50s, with barely one in eight under
the age of 45.
All political parties find it difficult to get younger people
to stand. Women remain under-represented in many local authorities,
and minority groups often do not get a look in. Equally, the
calibre of council candidates presents an enormous challenge.
All parties will admit privately—and some of them will
do so publicly—that in many areas it is difficult to
get effective local people to put themselves forward as candidates,
or to stand for a second term. Far too often, people will
serve one term and then decide to go and do something useful—to
“get a life”, as some have expressed it. I served
on a local council for 30 years, and I have some sympathy
for them. Perhaps I was the one who did not get away.
Anne Main: Does the
hon. Gentleman agree that people do not choose to serve more
than one term because they are accused of not delivering to
the public, even though they have very few powers and often
just have to deliver what the Government ask them to? They
get all that public hatred, and have no power to do anything
about it.
Sir Peter Soulsby: Many local councillors share that perception,
but the problem also stems in part from the denigration and
undermining of local government that took place under the
previous Conservative Government. That has contributed to
the present low morale among members of local government.
Mark Pritchard (The Wrekin)
(Con): Does the hon. Gentleman agree that the Standards
Board for England has done a lot to undermine the confidence
of people who become councillors? Does he accept that the
Bill does not go far enough in effecting root-and-branch reform
of the board, and how would he put that right?
Sir Peter Soulsby:
I believe that the Standards Board has done an enormous amount
to raise standards in local government. I welcome that, as
I do the reforms proposed in the Bill to strengthen the mechanisms
for ensuring that the very highest levels of probity are maintained
throughout local government.
People must perceive the local councillor’s role as
worth while. The Bill addresses that problem to some extent,
but for some years now the scrutiny function has been undervalued
and under-resourced. Too often, those councillors consigned
to the scrutiny role have felt impotent and unable to affect
anything that matters. Scrutiny is regarded as an answer to
the question, “What do we do with councillors who aren’t
in the cabinet?” It is not considered to be something
that has a value in itself.
I welcome the provisions that give more support to help councillors
to serve their constituents.
Mr. Kevan Jones: Does
my hon. Friend agree that people will not get involved in
politics, and take the scrutiny role seriously, unless they
feel that they can change decisions that have been taken?
The weakness of the system introduced—unfortunately—by
this Government is that the scrutiny role is regarded in most
councils as the poor relation to a cabinet position, and that
is because people involved in scrutiny cannot affect the outcome
of cabinet decisions.
Sir Peter Soulsby:
I very much agree with my hon. Friend. I welcome the measures
to strengthen the scrutiny role, but I am firmly of the opinion
that councillors need to feel that they have something worth
while to do, regardless of their authority’s leadership
structure. They must be able to initiate policy and to make
real decisions that have an impact on their constituents.
I welcome the changes proposed, but the Government could do
much more to enable councillors to feel that they can make
a difference, whatever their role.
Clive Efford (Eltham) (Lab):
Does my hon. Friend agree that we should consider how people
value the councillor’s role? If that role is diminished,
so that councillors are unable to direct policy and make big
decisions, will not people feel that the value of turning
out and voting is also diminished?
Sir Peter Soulsby:
Yes. I have no doubt that the way in which candidates and
councillors see their role has an impact on how people regard
their responsibility to vote in local elections. We must encourage
people to vote, and ensure that those who are minded to put
themselves forward feel that they are performing a useful
function.
Mr. Burrowes: Does
the hon. Gentleman share my profound concern that the option
of a committee structure is, with some exceptions, excluded
from the Bill? The committee structure gave new councillors
an obvious way to hold a local executive to account, and helped
members of the public to know what was going on in their council.
Sir Peter Soulsby:
The hon. Gentleman must have been reading my notes, as I shall
come to that in a few moments.
If we are to have strong councils, we need good councillors.
Getting them represents a challenge for the Government, local
authorities, the Local Government Association, the Improvement
and Development Agency, and for the political parties. We
must do all that we can to encourage good-calibre people to
come forward, and to ensure that they perform a useful function
when they are elected.
The second aspect of the Bill about which I want to speak
has to do with the leadership of local councils. The cabinet
system—and I have referred already to the scrutiny element—has
been less than completely successful in achieving its stated
aims, which included making decisions more transparent, timely
and effective. The system was designed to give the public
at large a clearer view of what was happening in a local authority,
and to enable authorities in turn to provide leadership to
their communities. Although it may have worked in some areas,
it did not work everywhere and it is certainly not a model
that some local authorities have been able to use as effectively
as its original proponents hoped.
Kelvin Hopkins (Luton, North)
(Lab): I am most interested in what my hon. Friend
is saying, but was not the reform that created the cabinet
system deliberately intended to shift power from the back
benches to the leadership of councils? I am not saying that
I agree with that, but has not the reform been effective?
Sir Peter Soulsby:
The reform may have been effective in the way my hon. Friend
suggests, although I do not recall that result being proposed
as the original justification. The justification for the reform
was as I have described, but the results were often counter-productive
of the originally stated aims. It has often produced decision
making that is less accountable and less transparent, and
left local people less connected with their local authorities
than before.
Mr. Kevan Jones:
I used to be on a finance committee, where we could stop and
change decisions, and question officers about the issues.
In most local authorities that system has ended and the reasons
for decisions are now shrouded in mystery. Does my hon. Friend
agree that the effect of that change has been to give not
only some councillors but, more worryingly, unelected officers
more power?
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Sir Peter Soulsby:
I chaired many local government committees and chaired the
policy and resources committee for a number of years. I certainly
felt much more accountable as the chair of the policy and
resources committee than could ever be the case for councillors
who serve in the cabinet of the local authority of which I
was once a member. The old committee system had many failings,
but it provided clarity of decision making. It was clear who
was taking the decision and there were mechanisms for accountability
of decision making. Members of other parties could hold to
account the majority group, which chaired the committee and
often made the proposals. The system had many strengths alongside
some undoubted weaknesses.
I welcome the Government’s intention in general terms
to provide clearer leadership in local government, but I have
reservations about the choices offered. I share some of the
reservations expressed by other Members. I suspect that, when
faced with the choices that the Government propose, the majority
of local authorities will opt for the model they consider
nearest the status quo. There are many vested interests in
most local authorities that will lead them to do that. Inevitably,
the option that most will take is for a leader with a four-year
term. I suspect that that proposed change will prove little
more than an illusion when we consider the reality behind
it.
Nothing in the Bill will prevent a political group in the
privacy of a group room from changing its leader whenever
it chooses and by whatever mechanism it chooses. In most circumstances,
that change of leadership and the loss of confidence implied
will have to result in a change of council leadership, whatever
the mechanism for achieving such a change.
Loss of confidence in the majority political group would inevitably
result in a change of council leadership, too, and mechanisms
would have to be devised to ensure that that is possible.
There would be very little difference from the current situation.
I say that as someone who survived 17 annual general meetings.
The council leader only ever had one-year terms—from
one AGM to the next—and I suspect that the result of
the Government’s option will be little different.
Kelvin Hopkins: I
congratulate my hon. Friend on surviving 17 AGMs—he
must have been a splendid council leader to inspire such confidence—but
does not that demonstrate that the system was much more democratic,
which engendered enthusiasm for it among councillors and political
parties? Does he agree that returning to the traditional committee
system that we enjoyed in the past is one possibility that
could be offered?
Sir Peter Soulsby: My
notes must have been shared among my hon. Friends as well
as with Opposition Members; my hon. Friend expresses precisely
my view.
I want to say a little about directly elected mayors, as I
feel the Government ought to press that option more strongly,
and it should be encouraged in more urban areas. It is a legitimate
option in the present situation. Direct election of a mayor,
with proper mechanisms for accountability, could provide a
person with a clear mandate to take bold decisions, who was
able to foster partnerships with others in the community on
equal terms and provide the clear community leadership that
was possible but not always easy in the traditional system.
Mr. Stewart Jackson (Peterborough)
(Con): I defer to the hon. Gentleman’s greater
local government experience—I served for only eight
years on a London borough. I hope that the Whips are not listening,
because I agree with almost everything he has said, which
is dangerous for both of us. Does he agree, however, that
directly elected mayors have failed to catch the public imagination?
Turnouts in referendums and mayoral ballots have been extremely
low and the system has not hit it off with the electorate,
so does he agree that the Government should conclude that
it is not the British way—that it has not worked and
should not be tried in the future?
Sir Peter Soulsby:
I was not proposing directly elected mayors as a panacea for
all the ills of local government. As I indicated in my opening
remarks, the funding of local government is a fundamental
issue, but directly elected mayors would be appropriate in
some areas and, as I have suggested in responses to other
interventions, if a choice is to be given, there should be
the option of returning to a structure much more akin to the
one with which those of us who began in local government many
years ago are familiar. I acknowledge that improvements to
the committee system could be made, and that a degree of executive
authority could be given to the chairs of committees, but
if options are to be given, the two that would be most appealing
in terms of revitalising local government are the directly
elected mayor and something akin to the former committee system.
Joan Walley: As my
hon. Friend feels that an elected mayor would be most in the
interests of democracy, will he tell us how that would be
consistent with encouraging people, young and old, to stand
as election for local councillors and to be responsible for
strategic decisions, not just for spending a small pot of
community money?
Sir Peter Soulsby: The
option would be perfectly compatible with that aim. Alongside
a directly elected mayor must be a properly empowered council
to which the mayor is accountable, and which provides a budget
and approves strategic plans. The role of an elected mayor
can be compatible with a strengthened role for back-bench
council members.
As one of the Members representing the city of Leicester,
my third point is of particular concern to me but will be
familiar to many other Members who represent urban areas with
tightly drawn boundaries. Boundaries in Leicester and in many
local authorities throughout the United Kingdom surround the
conurbations of many decades ago and are far too tightly drawn
for modern needs. Clearly, the Bill will not deal with the
issue of boundaries—I would not expect it to—but
the problems of the urban core can still only be properly
addressed outside their very confined boundaries. Similarly,
the potential of those areas can be fully achieved only beyond
those confined boundaries of local government areas, which
are now long out of date.
I welcome the requirements for local partnerships and widespread
agreements, but the fact remains that, if a local authority
is to respond effectively to problems and fulfil opportunities
at the urban core, it must be able to insist on the co-operation
of its neighbours. I hope that, as the Bill receives further
consideration, it will be possible to look at ways in which
councils at the core of urban areas can be equipped to require
their neighbours, whose concerns may be more parochial, to
co-operate in addressing what ought to be common problems.
My fourth point has inevitably not had much attention today;
I refer to the proposals to establish LINKs. I have reservations
about the abolition of the patients forums. I believe that
their work could have been built on rather than replaced by
LINKs. Some fundamental questions about LINKs need to be addressed.
First, we need to address how they will be funded and ensure
that they are adequately funded. We must ensure that the Nolan
principles are applied to them. As far as possible, existing
members of forums should be enabled to take part in LINKs.
We also need to ensure that they have adequate access to information
and details on the workings of those whose work they will
be monitoring. Only with those safeguards and associated powers
will LINKs have the credibility that the Government hope for
them.
To conclude, despite all I have said, there is much in the
Bill to be welcomed. It takes some important steps forward
towards revitalising and re-empowering local democracy, but
I hope that the Secretary of State and Ministers on the Treasury
Bench will have noticed the number of Members on both sides
of the Chamber who have made what I hope the Government will
view as helpful and constructive suggestions on ways in which
the Bill can be strengthened. I hope that the Secretary of
State and her colleagues will be sympathetic to the improvements
suggested in this debate, which will no doubt be put forward
in Committee.
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